A new study mapping the psychological profile of reality dating show participants has found that individuals who appear on such programmes tend to exhibit higher levels of grandiose narcissism, place substantial self-worth in physical appearance, and report lower anxiety about romantic rejection. The research, published in Psychology of Popular Media, was led by Leonie Schlebusch, Florian Hutzler and Sarah Schuster of the Paris-Lodron-University of Salzburg.
Reality dating programmes place contestants in highly visible, competitive environments where the aim is to attract romantic partners. The format has become a staple of mainstream entertainment over the past two decades, offering a controlled setting to observe how people form attachments, conform to social norms, and express contemporary ideals of attraction.
The researchers sought to understand which psychological characteristics distinguish volunteers for these high-profile displays of intimacy from the general public. The study was conducted by Schlebusch, Hutzler and Schuster, researchers at the University of Salzburg, and focused on three core concepts: narcissism, attachment styles, and the contingencies of self-esteem.
Narcissism was treated as comprising two subtypes: grandiose narcissism, characterised by self-confidence, a drive for dominance, assertive communication and a strong need for admiration; and vulnerable narcissism, which features self-absorption alongside hypersensitivity and social insecurity.
Attachment theory was used to understand how people form emotional bonds and respond to intimacy in adulthood, including attachment anxiety—fear of rejection and ongoing reassurance-seeking—and attachment avoidance, which involves discomfort with closeness and a preference for distance.
Contingent self-esteem refers to the sources a person relies on to feel good about themselves, distinguishing internal values from external factors such as appearance, the approval of others, or outperforming peers in competition.
A total of 129 individuals participated in online questionnaires. Fifty-eight had appeared on at least one reality dating programme between 2017 and 2024, while 71 served as a control group with no experience on such shows. The television group averaged around 32 years of age; the control group averaged about 27.
To identify reality television participants, the researchers distributed flyers at events and venues tied to dating programmes in Salzburg, Munich and Cologne. Participants completed standardised measures of grandiose and vulnerable narcissism, attachment anxiety and avoidance, and self-esteem contingencies.
Analyses used statistical modelling that controlled for demographic differences such as age and education to isolate the effects of the psychological traits. In addition to the main questionnaires, dating-programme participants answered open-ended questions about their motivations and whether the experience altered their self-perception; a few provided responses via voice messages or video interviews.
The findings showed that higher levels of grandiose narcissism strongly predicted television participation: for every standard-unit increase in grandiose narcissism, the likelihood of being in the television group more than doubled. By contrast, vulnerable narcissism did not significantly predict participation, with the authors suggesting that sensitivity to criticism might deter people from public-facing, televised environments.
The study also found that dating programme participants reported lower attachment anxiety than controls, indicating less fear of romantic rejection among those who agreed to appear on screen. Those with lower anxiety appeared more willing to navigate the emotional uncertainty and public visibility inherent in such formats.
In terms of self-esteem, dependence on physical appearance as a source of self-worth was strongly associated with dating show participation. External sources of self-esteem other than appearance did not show significant differences once age and education were taken into account; a priori expectations that competition or approval would predict appearance on a show were not borne out in the adjusted analysis.
The qualitative follow-ups revealed common motivations: participants described seeking adventure, fun, and visibility on social media. Some cited a desire to meet someone, but love was often not the primary aim. Phrases such as “Generate reach on Instagram” and “Let’s go on an adventure” were used by several respondents, with others noting that the intention was to gain followers or exposure rather than romance alone.
When asked whether appearing on television altered their self-perception, the majority said there were no lasting changes. Where shifts were reported, participants described greater self-confidence or a sense of emotional maturity. A minority reported negative effects on self-esteem from public criticism, with one participant noting, “My self-esteem has suffered a lot from people who don’t know me.”
The authors acknowledge limitations, including a modest sample size and a control group that differed demographically. Although analyses were adjusted for age and education, variations in life stage and social environment may still influence the results. The researchers also note that the measure of vulnerable narcissism showed low internal reliability, potentially obscuring a true relationship with television appearances.
The study, “Narcissism on the Beach? Attachment Style, Personality, and Self-Esteem Contingencies of Dating-Show Participants,” was authored by Leonie Schlebusch, Florian Hutzler and Sarah Schuster.
